Tajzadeh: Our Mistake, or Those Who Did Not Vote?

Rooz Online:

The Reformist candidate in the June 2005 presidential elections got some four million votes, thus losing the elections to a hardliner. The groups that supported the reformist candidate hoped to win the race and rebuild the political structure. These days, they talk of having the “pure” vote, despite their loss. By that they mean those who voted for them sincerely believe and support them, as opposed to other candidates who received votes from voters for a variety of reasons.

The supporters and activists for fundamental reforms in Iran remain hopeful that they will be able to influence decision making bodies through their direct and indirect influence. This is while the only reach they have to their constituencies is through an internal party bulletin and a low circulating weekly magazine, the Asr-e No (i.e. new age).

Mostafa Tajzadeh is a political figure who has been around for a long time. He is a reformer who supported Dr Mostafa Moin as the presidential candidate last summer and has held high government positions working with political parties. He is considered a thinker of the reformers and is among the few who immediately acknowledged the defeat of the reformers in the presidential race before others found it hard to swallow.

Interestingly, even though his colleagues in thought have been organizationally defeated, he is dedicated to rebuild the reformers through democratic means and find them new sources of power. Here are excerpts of an interview he had with ROOZ Online.

Q-You acknowledged defeat right after the presidential race in June of 2005. Was this important”

A-If we do not accept defeat, then we cannot interpret reality, and finally will not be able to present realistic solutions. Earlier too, we had failed in our fourth Majlis (Parliament) elections, but because we acknowledged it, we were able to make a come back after 5 years and win the presidential race later through Mohammad Khatami.

Q-Some accuse the reformers of not being sufficiently determined. For example, there were no election posters until three critical days had passed in Tehran alone, let alone other towns across the country.

A-I agree. Our campaigning was not at the level of a presidential elections, even though I personally do not believe campaigning in Iran plays a decisive role. The candidates that campaigned the most did not win in the June elections. I only means activities such a printing posters, distributing leaflets etc. But still, our campaigning was weak. We lost for other reasons. We lost a whole week waiting to see if Mr Moin would join the race or not. Other candidates were a week ahead of us.

Q-Money?

A-We had money. Perhaps not enough, but not a problem.

Q-They say your income source is all from just one single cultural institution?

A-There were different sources. Some of the eighteen groups that supported us had their own candidates that included Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mehdi Karoubi. So with Moin, that is already three candidates. This spread divided our resources.

Q-Are you a failed party with no money?

A-Some failed parties right now have more money that victorious one. In Iran only a part of the expenses of political parties is met by the government, unlike other countries. Another way to collect membership fees. Another problem we had was that some of our money came from sources that had boycotted the elections. In short we began our work that included collecting money, late because we were not sure our candidate Moin would be allowed to run.

Q- Were you assuming too much in the reformist votes?

A-We made mistakes in other areas. I did not think Mr Karoubi would get this many votes. Our formula for vote estimates was to multiply whatever happened in Tehran by 10 to get estimates of votes in the provinces. Our estimates of his support in Tehran were right, but the provinces did not bring our expected ten fold results. We did not believe that Mr Alizadeh would get the highest votes in Ardebil, and West and East Azarbaijan. We also thought the votes of the hardliners would be split too because they had more than one candidate. We thought Larijani was the strongest hardline candidate supported by the Coalition and Coordination Council (Shoraye Hamahangi va Motalefe). But we also thought that we could defeat him, which turned out right. The same goes for Mr Galibaf. We did not think Ahmadinejad would get enough votes to stay in the race. To our surprise, on the last day of elections, Padgani party threw is full support for him. In retrospect, I think we should have either supported Karoubi, or Karoubi should have supported us in the first round. That way, one of us would have gone to the second round with Rafsanjani.

Q-During the last eight years what did the reformists give to the main in the street to expect him to vote for Moin?

A-The very concern that our middle class, intellectuals, educated groups etc are demonstrating now is what makes us special. I believe the elections has woken up many groups and individuals in Iran about the realities of the country.

Q-Are you one of them?

A-Yes. Our estimates were all wrong. We should have formed a real coalition and united. I reject those who ask us to stay on the sidelines and let matters get worse. Democracy does not come about by apathy and abandonment. Only through elections.

Q-Is it possible to get to democracy with the existing government?

A-I do not think the present administration can close society. If it opens it, then this is what we have been calling for because that is when we can do our work. If they improve the economic lot, then people have the time to focus on other issues such as human rights.

For the first time in Iranian history defeated parties wish to form a united front. Mr Rafsanjani wishes to start a new party twenty years after the failure of the Islamic Republican Party. The same goes for Mr Karoubi. And so do we.

Q-Why could the Mosharekat Party not accurately predict its failure?

A-We had decided to participate, rather than boycott because even if we failed through participation, we would still be able to stay afloat, get licenses for newspapers, work, etc. You know, even when Mr Mohammad Khatami ran for presidency for the first time, we did not think we would win. But we wanted to become part of the process.

Q-But you lost your newspapers despite your victory in the past.

A-Not all of them. Remember that the advantage of participating and losing versus not running at all, like Mehdi Bazargan’s Nehzate Azadi, is that you are still given some privileges, whereas they have not had even a single newspaper.

Q-So you are content with having a few newspapers while you were leading the executive branch of the government?

A-This is not Switzerland with its strong civil society where an opposition party can still have its newspapers. Not in Iran.

Q-Don’t they call you to courts, interrogate you and other supporters, etc?

A-Yes they do. But if we were outside the system, we could be murdered, etc. Remember the story when they wanted to send a bus full of writers and intellectuals down a cliff after Khatami’s victory? I think we have progressed from the days when Saeed Emami determined who should live and who should die, to the days when we are called in to the court once a month for our political views. Its not great, but look at it relatively. Look at the number of our political prisoners. I think they are less than twenty today. You must look at things in relative terms and compare by three things: regional conditions, the situation before the reforms (i.e. Khatami), and, forces that were then outside the system and are in now. I think our policies have been more successful than those who boycotted the political process. Look at our neighbors. The US has to be present for some kind of democracy in these countries: Iraq, Afghanistan, Turkey, etc.

Q-So is there really no difference between winning or losing an elections?

A-If the process is peaceful, yes. I am concerned about violence. Violence means failure for reforms. Both, domestic and foreign violence. Remember when they were against town council elections fearing the country would break apart. But they won and now they are supporting the concept. This is a positive step towards democracy. Another example is that they would not let us appoint Sunni governors in the provinces, fearing this would bring trouble. I chose a conservative Sunni, Baba Khan in Kurdistan, as a provincial governor, and in this way established this new trend. The poor man died some years later.

Q-So we have none now?

A-There are twelve now and I doubt Mr Ahmadinejad can change them with a non Sunni. So we must participate even if we suspect we may not win. Look at Ahmadinejad. Just one month ago he was against democracy. Now he talks of religious popular participation.

Q-Is that the same as democracy?

A-It does not matter. They are still forced to use the term that they may not believe in.

Q-But you have not media to connect and communicate with people.

A-We should have procured a satellite system a few years ago. This would have prevented their closing our newspapers.

Q-Do you view US intervention a serious possibility?

A-A serious danger yes, but its fulfillment depends on how we behave, how our government and how the US government behaves. While some criticized us for exaggerating this danger, but I think it is good that it is now a national issue.

Q-Can civil society institutions have an effect on decision making?

A-They must be strengthened. Hashemi and Karoubi are creating political parties. University folks, intellectuals and the urban middle class is now sensitive to many issues. They forces them to act within the civil society confines.

Q-Is it a bad thing that conservative hardliners have come to power?

A-If they respect the principles of democracy, it is OK. Their elections into the town councils strengthened and institutionalized these councils. If their victory results in the end of violence, it is a good development. If there was ever a time when Ansar-e Hezbollah would become softer, now is the time. I read that there were vigilante clashes last week but Ahmadinejad has distanced himself from this.

Q-Whatever happened to the Front for Democracy and Human Rights?

A-Yes, we could not materialize the principles of democracy etc. But today even hardliners talk of the same principles and concepts. Dr Moin began this talk of democracy and some groups supported him. He is really leading this movement now. Currently there are talks on the details of this grouping, such as who can become a member (individuals or groups), its secretary general, members etc.

Q-Do you have any plans for the million who boycotted the elections?

A-We must first organize those millions who voted for us and find ways to stay in touch with them. After that, we should go after those who boycotted the elections. My understanding is that most of those who boycotted the elections now regret it.

Q-You and Ganji had been friends. Have you abandoned him?

A-We have tried to write and talk to officials. Any shortcoming was probably because we were focusing on winning the elections, which we thought would change and solve those issues. We still continue to work for him. This problem will be resolved soon.